Tuesday, December 30, 2008

Decline of the West chapter eighteen.

Sorry I haven't posted anything the last couple of days - had to go to the ER, because I apparently ate or came in contact with something I'm very allergic to. I've had problems with allergies off and on my whole life, usually just the plain old hay fever type or occasionally hives and such, a bit of wheezing, or whatever - not usually very serious. We have not yet figured out what it was that triggered this particular reaction, but it was a doozie. I haven't had any food allergies that I know of in the past, so right now I'm going on the theory that it was some perfume, cleaning agent, air freshener or detergent, because those types of things have caused reactions in the past, just usually not with so much excitement.

Meanwhile, this project is nearly over - there are only 21 chapters. I had hoped to have this finished up by New Year's, but obviously I'm running a bit behind. I'll try and have the last few chapters up by the end of next week.

Decline of the West
Oswald Spengler
Chapter 18
State and History

In the historical world there are no ideals, but only facts - no truths, but only facts. There is no reason, no honesty, no equity, no final aim, but only facts. In the real world there are no states built according to ideals, but only states that have grown, and these are nothing but living peoples "in form."

[Recall this was written prior to the establishment of the State of Israel. Therefore I might disagree here, since the state of Israel in the modern area was not the result of a group of people growing into a want or need for autonomy in a region, but a violent dislocation of people fleeing war and destruction to a place that had long been barred from them. In that respect, the modern state of Israel is somewhat artificial, and it was, more or less, founded with the idea of being a "Jewish State." People disagree on what that MEANS exactly, but they don't disagree that was the purpose - to be a sort of Jewish Reservation, like the Native American Reservations. Once the settlers came, though, they represented various sects of Judaism and some jostling for power and position was the natural result. What has happened since then is a more organic type of sprouting and growing, but the ecosystem (so to speak) has not yet stabilized.]

[The state] takes the direction inherent in the blood, if by the idealist, that dictated by his own convictions, in other words, the way to nullity. The destiny question, for States that exist in reality and not merely in intellectual schemes, is not that of their ideal task or structure, but that of their inner authority, which cannot in the long run be maintained by material means, but only by a belief - of friend and foe - in their effectiveness. The decisive problems lie, not in the working out of constitutions, but in the organization of a sound working government.

State-majesty, sovereignty, is a life-symbol of the first order. It distinguishes subjects and objects.

[This is something liberal Jews don't understand, but Arab Muslims understand it all too well.]

In every healthy State the letter of the written constitution is of small importance compared with the practice of the living constitution, the "form" which has developed of itself out of the experience of Time, the situation, and above all, the race-proprieties of the nation. The more powerfully the natural form of the body politic has built itself up, the more surely it works in unforeseen situations. Indeed, in the end, it does not matter what the actual leader is called, or even that he has no defined relation to the State. The leader's responsibility is always to a minority that possesses the instincts of statesmanship and represents the rest of the nation in the struggle for history.

The fact, express and unequivocal, is that class-States - that is, States in which particular classes rule, are the ONLY States. The true class-State is an expression of the general historical experience that it is always a single social stratum which, constitutionally or otherwise, provides the political leading. It is always a definite minority that represents the world-historical tendency of a State, and within that again, is a more or less self-contained minority that in virtue of its aptitudes (and often enough against the spirit of the Constitution) actually holds the reigns.

[I would here substitute the word "aptitude" for "money/land/wealth," because even the US, which strove to be a fair and free democracy, is pretty much now run by a moneyed elite who don't seem terribly "apt" to me.]

Similarly, we find the political aptitude in self-contained groups within the religious estate.

[Or, to put it plainly, especially amoung the Chereidi, "them that hath the gold make the rules." And, as a corollary, "them that hath the gold get the favors." Any obstacle can be overcome, whether in matters of marriage, divorce, conversion, status - you name it, money makes miracles for the wealthy, whereas the poorer get little if any leniency or consideration for their matters brought before a bet din.]

In these cases, it is ensured by a closed circle of persons possessing homogeneous practical gifts, which constantly recruits itself and preserves in its midst the whole sum of unwritten political tradition and experience.

[Again, I cynically erase "gifts" and point out that this closed circle of persons "running" Chereidi Judaism are not, for the most part, practical at all - in fact, their insane commitment to an unworkable and unrealistic paradigm of failing to give themselves or their children a secular education that can lead to market rate employment pretty well proves that neither "apt" nor "practical" apply here. In fact, someone who IS practical and apt need not apply, because they cannot fathom that their self-made myths simply don't work in the real world.]

There is no best, or true, or right State that could possibly be actualized according to plan. Every State that emerges in history exists as it is but once and for a moment, the next moment it has, unperceived, become different, whatever regidity of its legal constitutional crust. Therefore, words like "republic," "absolutism," "democracy," means something different in every instance, and what turns them into catchwords is their use as definite concepts by philosophers and idealogues.

At the point when a Culture is beginning to turn itself into a Civilization, the non-Estate intervenes in affairs decisively - and for the first time - as an independent force. Now it employs its strength for itself, and does so as a class standing for its freedom against the rest. It sees in the absolute State, in the Crown, in rooted institutions, the natural allies of the old Estates and the true and last representatives of symbolic tradition.

The State, which its heavy demands on each individual in it, is felt by urban reason as a burden. The idea of the whole nation being "in training" or "in form" for anything becomes intolerable, for the individual himself inwardly is no longer in condition. This holds good in morals, in arts and in modes of thought, but most of all in politics. Every bourgeois revolution has as its scene the great city, and as its hallmark the incomprehension of old symbols, which it replaces by tangible interests and the craving (or even the mere wish) of enthusiastic thinkers and world-improvers to see their conceptions actualized.

Nothing now has value but that which can be justified by reason. But, deprived thus of the exaltation of a form that is essentially symbolical and works metaphysically, the national life loses the power of keeping its head up in the being-streams of history.

The bourgeoisie, the class of urban "freedom," strong as its class-feeling, remained for generations, [but] was at no time wholly master of its actions. For, first of all, it became manifest in every critical situation that its unity was a NEGATIVE unity, only really existent in moments of opposition to something, anything, else - and that when something constructive of its own had to be done, the interests of the various groups pulled all ways.

[Here is where the State of Israel is now - and is also especially indicative of the conditions of America Jews - now that it is widely believed that "never again" really means "never again," the unity of Jews and the tolerance for their fellow Jews of other sects, and even secular Jews, has eroded away. Neither a State nor a sect can define itself by what it is NOT - it NEEDS something to be FOR, and the State of Israel has especially forgotten why it was established. Meanwhile, Jews in the US, even descendants of Holocaust survivors, flounder aimlessly and fall away into assimilation in large part because they define themselves as NOT orthodox, and further even are apparently willing to continue to allow the orthodox to therefore define them as NOT JEWISH.

The Orthodox, having defined themselves as NOT SECULAR, have put themselves in a position to be unable to function as "adults" in the economic sector, demanding to be supported like children who are entitled to care by real adults - and the adults (the non-orthodox, liberal, secular, etc. - namely employed Jews) are beginning to rebel against having to provide this support. What will result is a "tough love" scenario where the non-orthodox Jews no longer contribute to orthodox charities and educational institutions - and why should they, since the Orthodox consider them NOT JEWISH. Nor will the State cover the shortfall, because the State, the majority of which are of sects other than ultra-orthodox, must necessarily have priorities that deal with the real world. As Spengler says, their interests pull different ways, and are not compatible.]

To be free from something - that, all wanted. But the intellectual desired the State as an actualization of "justice" against the force of historical facts, or the "rights of man," or freedom of criticism as against the dominant religion. But there was another element...that which is found in all Civilizations under different contemptuous labels, but with the same tremendous connotation. In the great cities, which a lone now spoke the decisive words, the countryside can at most accept or reject faits accomplis, a mass or rootless fragments of population stands outside all social linkages. These do not feel themselves attached either to an Estate or to a vocational class, nor even to the real working-class, although they are obliged to work. Elements drawn from all classes and conditions belong to it instinctively - uprooted peasantry, literates, ruined businessmen and above all (as the age of Catiline shows with terrifying clarity) derailed nobles.

Their power is far in excess of their numbers, for they are always on the spot, always on hand at the big decisions, ready for anything, devoid of all respect for orderliness, even the orderliness of a revolutionary party. The bourgeoisie looks at these masses with real uneasiness, defensively, and seeks to separate itself from them.

[Those am-ha'aretz, you know.]

But in the pressure of facts the separating frontier cannot be drawn, wherever the bourgeoisie throws into the scale against the older orders its feeble weight of aggressiveness - feeble in relative numbers and feeble because its inner cohesion is risked at every moment - this mass has forced itself into their ranks, pushed to the front, imparted most of the drive that wins the victory and very often managed to secure the conquered position for itself - not seldom with the continued idealistic support of the educated who are intellectually captivated, or the material backing of the money powers, which seek to divert the danger from themselves onto the nobility and the clergy.

[We see this being played out on several different levels. First, in the State of Israel, there were the Sephardi, the native Near Eastern Jews, who were supplanted by the White European Ashkenaz and are very wholly looked down upon by them. Then amoung the Chereidi of both groups there is considerable disdain for the other sects of Judaism who refuse to be ruled by them in every matter and accept their stringencies upon themselves. The religious minority in Israel, the Chereidi control issues of marriage, for example, to impose their definition of race and religion on the entire majority population in an attempt to circumvent the will and rights of the majority of non-Chereidi Jews.

In the US, we see this in the moneyed elite, who are even as this is being written skimming the "bailouts" their companies are receiving to line their own nests instead of working toward the greater good of their employees and customers. Expect to hear a lot of union-bashing from the Robber Barons, who will blame anyone and everyone except themselves for their greedy disregard of their workers and customers and gross mismanagement of the economy in general. They consider working class people as nothing but a resource to exploit.]

There is another aspect, too, under which this epoch has its importance - in it for the first time abstract truths seek to intervene in the world of facts. The capital cities have become so great, and urban man so superior and influential over the waking-consciousness of the whole Culture (this influence is what we call Public Opinion), that he powers of the blood and the tradition inherent in the blood are shaken in their hitherto unassailable position.

[The Chereidi ideal of the man who "learns" is so far removed from the historical family farms and family businesses that preserved Judaism through every rough patch of history that this new unsustainable ideal actually threatens the continuation of the Jewish people.]

For it must be remembered that the Baroque State and the absolute Polis in their final development of form are thoroughly living expressions of a breed, and that history, so far as it accomplishes itself in these forms, possesses the full pulse of that breed. Any theory of State that may be fashioned here is one that is deduced from the facts, that bows to the greatness of the facts. The idea of the State had finally mastered the blood of the First Estate, and put it wholly and without reserve at the State's service.

It is now that the enemy of tradition - Rationalism - appears and spreads, that which has been described above as the community of waking-consciousness in the educated, whose religion is criticism and whose numina are not deities but concepts.

[The rationalistic micro-managed, tabulated, formulated and uber-defined Talmudism of the ultra-orthodox falls clearly into this category. It is an urban phenomenon at its very core, and while falsely calling ITSELF tradition, it seeks to supplant the true halacha of Judaism, which is far more lenient and adaptable and aimed to the working men and women who live their everyday lives nowhere near the rarified ivory tower of the kollels and yeshivas. They have, as has previously been discussed, supplanted the True Deity and placed themselves securely on His throne. They reject every Word from Heaven, and instead rely only on their own rational processes to proclaim what they want God's will to be, not what it actually is.]

Now begins the influence of books and general theories upon politics - and the public opinion formed by them plants itself in the path of diplomacy as a political magnitude of quite a new sort. Nevertheless the historical role of the great concepts of the "Civilization" is very different from the complexion that they presented in the minds of the ideologues who conceived them. The meaning of a truth always differs greatly from its tendency. In the world of facts, truths are simply MEANS, effective insofar as they dominate spirits and therefore determine actions.

It is only the catchwords that are facts - the residue of the philosophical or sociological system whence they come does not matter to history. But, AS catchwords, they are for about two centuries powers of the first rank, stronger even than the pulse of the blood, which in the petrifying world of the outspread cities is beginning to be dulled.

But the critical spirit is only one of the two tendencies which emerge out of the chaotic mass of the non-Estate. Along with abstract concepts abstract Money - money divorced from the prime values of the land - along with the study the counting-house, appear as political forces.

Democracy and plutocracy are the same thing under the two aspects of wish and actuality, theory and practice, knowing and doing. it is the tragic comedy of the world-improvers' and freedom-teachers' desperate fight against Money that they are ipso facto assisting money to be effective.

In actuality the freedom of public opinion involves the preparation of public opinion, which costs money, and the freedom of the press brings with it the question of possession of the press, which again is a matter of money, and with the franchise comes electioneering, in which he who pays the piper calls the tune.

[Controlling what the frum population sees, hears, and thinks is of utmost importance to the Ravs, because this is how they control their empire. Those with money, obviously, tend to be the ones 1) doing the controlling, and 2) exempting themselves by way of their bought-and-paid-for access to the things they ban from others. Needless to say, the Chereidi are no strangers to electioneering, from the lowliest shul to the most well-known yeshivas and foundations - the corruption is so prevalent it is simply taken for granted.]

The concepts of Liberalism and Socialism are set in effective motion only by money. There is no proletarian, not even a communist, movement that has not operated in the interest of money, in the directions indicated by money and for the time permitted by money - and that without the idealist amoungst its leaders having the slightest suspicion of the fact. Intellect rejects, money directs - so it runs in every last act of a Culture-drama, when the megalopolis has become master over the rest.

[Can't add much to that, can we? We're there now.]

The successful utilization of the bourgeois catchwords in politics presupposes the shrewd eye of a ruling class for the intellectual constitution of the stratum which intends to obtain power but will not be capable of wielding it when obtained.

[Ironically, for all the bans, for all the smear campaigns, and for all the money they have, the "gedolim" have lost the reins of the Jewish people. They must use force, threats of force, violence, intimidation, and social terrorism to subjugate their communities.]

Money was most unhesitatingly used in politics - not the bribery of individual high personages, but the "nursing" of the democratic forces themselves, systematically managed by money. [They] discovered the ideal of a Free Press, and discovered along with it that the press serves him who owns it. It does not spread "free" opinion, it generates it.

[Which is why the Ravs are so adamant about what books people should be allowed to read, and will only publish those that toe the party line - regardless of how factually incorrect, scientifically invalid, and economically unsustainable those party lines may be. The people end up lacking adequate education to figure out how to solve their problems, because the information they would need to understand history, the geo-political situation, and the economy has been withheld from them.]

Both together constitute liberalism (in the broad sense), that is, freedom from the restrictions of the soil-bound life, be these privileges, forms or feelings - freedom of the intellect for every kind of criticism, freedom of money for every kind of business. But both, too, unhesitatingly aim at the domination of a class, a domination which recognizes no overriding supremacy of the State. Mind and money, being both inorganic, want the State, not as a matured form of high symbolism to be venerated, but as an engine to serve a purpose.

The mistrust felt for high form by the inwardly formless non-Estate is so deep that everywhere and always it is ready to rescue its freedom - FROM all form - by means of a dictatorship, which acknowledges no rules and is, therefore, hostile to all that has grown up, which, moreover, in virtue of its mechanizing tendency, is acceptable to the taste of both intellect and money.

Consider that "the Government of the Revolution is the despotism of freedom against the tyranny"...reveals the deep fear that shakes every multitude which, in the presence of grave conjunctures, feels itself "not up to form." Nothing reveals more tellingly the decline of political form than that uprising of formless powers which we may conveniently designate, from its most conspicuous example, Napoleonism.

[Each Rav in his own little fiefdom, trying vainly to out-frum all the others...]

The mere abolition of an order that had become obsolete was no novelty, but that behind the ruins of the visible there is no longer the substance of an invisible form - they have no choice but to substitute an accidental regime, whose future no longer rests secure on the qualities of a slowly and thoroughly trained minority, but depends entirely on the chance of the adequate successor turning up. Such are the distinguishing marks of this turning of the times, and hence comes the immense superiority that is enjoyed for generations still by those states which manage to retain a tradition longer than others.

The result of the turn, and the basic form of the Continental STates and the beginning of the Civilization, is "Constitutional Monarchy," the extremist possibility of which appears as what we nowadays call a Republic.

[The Ravs pay lip service to the idea of a group voting to select a correct path or a correct judgement - the bet din. But in reality, these are hopelessly incapable of being authoritative, since no community or sect now takes another community's or sect's bet din proceedings seriously. The power-mongering which is splintering the Chereidi world into smaller and smaller enclaves simply cannot allow the formation of a "Sanhedrin" to which everyone would submit. Everybody knows it would just be the same old money and influence at work.]

It is necessary to get clear, once and for all, of the mumblings of the doctrinaires who think in timeless and therefore unreal concepts and for whom "Republic" is a form-in-itslef. The republican ideal of the 19th century has no more resemblance to the Classical res publica...than the English constitution to a "constitution" in the Continental sense. That which WE call a republic is a NEGATION, which of inward necessity postulates that the thing denied is an ever-present possibility. It is non-monarchy in forms borrowed from the monarchy.

The genealogical feeling is immensely strong in Western mankind. It strains its conscience so far as to pretend that Dynasty determines its political conduct even when Dynasty no longer exists at all. The historical is embodied therein, and unhistorically we cannot live. Feeling is the secret enemy of all constitutions that are plans and not growths. They are in the last analysis nothing but defensive measures born of fear and mistrust.

[And we see this fear and mistrust in every silly ban, every silly canceled event, every silly banned book, and every silly stringency imposed on the people. They are purely defensive mechanisms - there is no thought given to solving actual problems, because their philosophy that they are the epitome of lifestyle and relationship with God makes it impossible for them to acknowledge systemic deficiencies in their paradigm. Therefore they are reduced to blaming individuals for all problems and trying to ban everything under the sun that might influence an individual.]

The urban concept of freedom - freedom FROM something - narrows itself to a merely anti-dynastic significance, and republican enthusiasm, lives only on this feeling. Such a negation inevitably involves a preponderance of theory. Constitutions contain an overweight of systems, bookishness and framed concepts. It is not for nothing that the Faustian is par excellence the reading and writing Culture. The printed book is an emblem of temporal, the Press of spacial, infinity.

It is symptomatic that no written constitution knows of money as a political force. It is pure theory that they contain, one and all.

[Of course, the Talmud does deal with money - for example, the Torah lays out rules regarding length of debts and commands their release whether paid or not every seventh year, which the Rabbis wrote circles around to negate completely so that they could squeeze every dime from those who owe them. And while the taking of gifts and bribes is clearly denounced, that hasn't stopped any Rav from "finding" a way to solve a difficulty for the affluent, while the poor suffer under stringencies and rulings that ruin their lives.]

Real politics, politics aiming at historical success, is a matter of training and not of shaping. Shaping can refine training, but not replace it. The [moneyed elite], thus prepared, were able, in the great flood of bourgeois-revolutionary principles that swept over the years after 1832, were able to preserve and control the being-stream which they directed. They possessed "training." They allowed the great principles to move the mass because they knew well that it is money that is the "wherewithal" by which motion is imparted to these great principles.

Parliamentarism is not a summit as the absolute Polis and the Baroque State were summits, but a brief transition - namely, between the Late-Culture period with its mature forms and the age of great individuals in a formless world. It contains a residue of good Baroque. It is becoming an impressive spectacle for the multitude of the "orthodox," while the centre of gravity of big policy, already de jure transferred from the Crown to the people's representatives, is passing de facto from the latter to unofficial groups and the will of unofficial personages [the moneyed elite].

With this enters the age of gigantic conflicts, in which we find ourselves today. It is the transition from Napoleonism to Caesarism, a general phase of evolution, which occupies at least two centuries and can be shown to exist in all Cultures.

[It is the Chereidi, of course, who intend to be emperors of all Judaism. Their imperialistic war against all other sects of Judaism cannot be denied, nor can their intention to redefine Judaism in their own image be denied. Indeed, they proclaim it daily both in print and with violence against those who will not submit.]

If the 19th century was relatively poor in great wars and revolutions, and overcame its worst crises diplomatically by means of congresses, this has been due precisely to the continuous and terrific war-preparedness which has made disputants, fearful at the 11th hour of the consequences, postpone the definitive decision again and again, and led to the substitution of chess-moves for war.

[The "chess moves" in play at the moment involve conversions and confirmations of status. The pawns are the poor who cannot defend themselves against stricter and stricter interpretations of "who is a Jew."]

We ourselves are too near to it to see it under this terrifying aspect. In all world-history there is no parallel. It is a war without war, a war of overbidding in equipment and preparedness, a war of figures and tempo and technics, and the diplomatic dealings have been not of court with court, but of headquarters with headquarters. The longer the discharge was delayed, the more huge became the means and the more intolerable the tension. This is the Faustian, the dynamic, form of "the Contending States."

[In the Case of Judaism, the Chereidi have adopted a similar "cold-war" buildup of arms, in the form of numerous children per family, all of whom are denied a real education and thoroughly indoctrinated in Chereidi Judaism. They rely on government handouts, welfare, charity, frauds and schemes to fund these large families, whereas fiscally responsible parents of other sects limit their family size to the number of children they can reasonably afford with their own legal and ethical means. Demographically, this will be a disaster for the State of Israel, as there will come a time in the future when the majority of the population of Jewish adults in the state will be these un-educated ignoramuses who will not in any way be fit to run a country or even understand historical, geo-political, or economic issues - much less be able to deal with the Arab Muslims, whose "live and let live if we can just be in charge" lies are bought hook, line, and sinker by the Chereidi Ravs who are too good to get their hands dirty in war as in any other honest labour.]

The place of the permanent armies as we know them will gradually be taken by professional forces of volunteer war-keen soldiers, and from millions we shall revert to hundreds of thousands. But ipso facto this second century will be one of ACTUALLY Contending States. THESE armies are not substitutes for war - they are FOR war, and they want war. Within two generations it will be their will that prevails over that of all the comfortables put together.

[We see this especially in Islam today, but secular nations are not far behind. Far from the MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) of the Cold War era, maniacs and despots alike now think they can WIN a nuclear war, and don't CARE what the consequences will be for the planet if they engage in one. Their attitude is now if WE can't have it then NOBODY should, and both Jews and Christians alike can't seem to fathom this deep and pervasive hatred, pounded into the heads of these children since they were born.]

In these wars of theirs for the heritage of the whole world, continents will be staked. Called out, new technics and tactics played and counter-played. The great cosmopolitan foci of power will dispose at their pleasure of smaller states - their territory, their economy and their men alike - all that is now merely province, passive object, means to end, and its destinies are without importance to the great march of things.

Again and again between these catastrophes of blood and terror the cry rises up for reconciliation of the peoples and for peace on earth. Esteem as we may the wish towards all this, we must have the courage to face facts as they are - that is the hallmark of men of race-quality and it is by the being of these men that alone history is.

The way from Alexander to Caesar is unambiguous and unavoidable, and the strongest nations of any and every Culture, consciously or unconsciously, willing or unwilling, has had to tread it.

The history of these times is no longer an intellectual match of wits in elegant forms for pluses and minuses, form which either side can withdraw when it pleases. The alternatives now are to stand fast or to go under - there is no middle course.

[So we, as Jews, must fight a war on two fronts - one against the Muslim hoards who wish to see us exterminated to the last drop of Jewish blood, and one against the Chereidi who wish to exclude everyone except themselves from even being considered Jewish. Just sitting by and letting these things happen because they don't appear to concern us right this minute is the same as admitting defeat. If they retain the power to define Judaism then they will define millions of people out of it - robbing them of their heritage, their birthright, and their identity.]

Today all "philosophy" is nothing but an inward abdication and resignation, or a craven hope of escaping realities by means of mysticisms. For us, CREATIVE piety, or (to use a more fundamental term) the pulse that has come down to us from first origins, adheres only to forms that are older than the Revolution and Napoleon, forms which grew and were not made. Every remnant of them, however tiny, that has kept itself alive in the being of any self-contained minority whatever will before long rise to incalculable values and bring about historical effects which no one yet imagines possible. To be "in condition" is everything. It falls to us to live in the most trying times known to the history of a Great Culture.

By the term "Caesarism" [Spengler] means that kind of government which, irrespective of any constitutional formulation that it may have, is in its inward self a return to thorough formlessness. So all institutions, however carefully maintained, were thenceforth destitute of all meaning and weight. Real importance centred in the wholly personal power exercised by the Caesar, or by anybody else capable of exercising it in his place. It is the recidive of a form-fulfilled world into primitivism, into the cosmic-historyless. Biological stretches of time once more take the place vacated by historical periods.

[Or, as the Bible puts it, they will cry "peace and safety" then destruction will come upon them suddenly, as this great leader they trusted turns on them and disregards all treaties, promises and constitutions to do his own will.]

At the beginning, where the Civilization is developing to full bloom (today), there stands the miracle of the Cosmopolis, the great petrifact, a symbol of the formless - vast, splendid, spreading in insolence. It draws within itself the being-streams of the now impotent countryside, human masses that are wafted as dunes from one to another or flow like loose sand into the chinks of the stone. Here money and intellect celebrate their greatest and their last triumphs. It is the most artificial, the cleverest phenomenon manifested in the light-world of human eyes - uncanny, "too good to be true," standing already almost beyond the possibilities of cosmic formation.

Presently, however, the idea-less facts come forward again, naked and gigantic. In the form of Democracy, Money has won. There has been a period in which politics were almost its preserve. But as soon as it has destroyed the old orders of the Culture, the chaos gives forth a new and overpowering factor that penetrates to the very elementals of Becoming - the Caesar men. Before them the omnipotence of money collapses. The Imperial Age, in every Culture alike, signifies the end of the politics of mind and money.

They seize the management of the world, and the realm of books and problems petrifies or vanishes from memory. Once the Imperial Age has arrived, there are no more political problems. People manage with the situation as it is and the powers that be. In the period of the Contending States, torrents of blood had reddened the pavements of all world-cities, so that the great truths of Democracy might be turned into actualities, and for the winning of rights without which life seemed not worth the living.

Now these rights are won, but the grandchildren cannot be moved, even by punishment, to make use of them. A hundred years more, and even the historians will no longer understand the old controversies. This is the end of the great politics.

It is the last step to the definitive,. With world-peace, the peace of high policies - the "sword side" of being retreats and the "spindle side" rules again, henceforth there are only private histories, private destinies, private ambitions, from top to bottom. The wars of the age of world-peace are private wars, more fearful than any State wars because they are formless.

[And meaningless to others. What do the goyim care how the Chereidi define who is a Jew? And if asked, won't they just say, "So what? So you're not Jewish by their rules. Big deal." Private wars are by definition not interesting to the masses, so where is the higher authority to which the other sects can appeal for justice? There is none.]

For world-peace, which has often existed in fact - involves the private renunciation of war on the part of the immense majority. bit along with this it involves an unavowed readiness to submit to being the booty of others who do NOT renounce it.

[These are words which both the non-Chereidi Jews should heed vis-a-vis the Chereidi, as well as Wider Western Culture vis-a-vis the Arab Muslims.]

It begins with the State-destroying wish for universal reconciliation, and it end in nobody moving a finger so long as misfortune only touches his neighbor. Each city and each land-patch was thinking of itself, and the activities of the ruler were his private affair as other men's were theirs. The remoter peoples were as indifferent to him and his troops and his aims as they were to the projects of Germanic marauders. On this spiritual premise a second Vikingism develops. The state of being "in form" passes from nations to bands and retinues of adventurers, self styled Caesars, seceding generals, barbarian kings and what not - in whose eyes the population becomes in the end merely a part of the landscape.

With the formed state having finished its course, high history also lays itself down weary to sleep. Man becomes a plant again, adhering to the soil, dumb and enduring. The timeless village and the "eternal" peasant reappear - a busy, easily contented swarm. In the midst of the land lie the old world-cities, empty receptacles of an extinguished soul, in which a historyless mankind slowly nests itself. Men live from hand to mouth. Masses are trampled on in the conflicts of the conquerors who contend for the power and the spoil of this world, but the survivors fill up the gaps with a primitive fertility and suffer on. And while in high places there is eternal alternace of victory and defeat, those in the depths pray, pray with that mighty piety of the Second Religiousness that has overcome all doubts forever.

Only with the end of grand History does holy, still Being reappear. We may marvel at it or we may lament it - but so it is.

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