Tuesday, January 27, 2009

Decline of the West, chapter nineteen.

My comments will be in brackets. For those late to this series, it is a commentary on Spengler's philosophical treatise on the stages of Cultures throughout history (and, by extension, in the future). Spengler's analysis is on Western Culture in general, this commentary on it focuses on the Chereidi Jewish sub-culture which was born in Europe and shares most of its workings with Western Culture in general.

Decline of the West
Oswald Spengler
Chapter 19
Philosophy of Politics

To be the centre of action and effective focus of a multitude, to make the inward for of one's own personality into that of whole peoples and periods, to be history's commanding officer, with the aim of bringing one's own people or family or purposes to the top of events - that is the scarcely conscious but irresistible impulse in every individual being possession a historical vocation.

[In the case of Chereidi Ravs, revisionist history is their lifeline to control of the masses, more than chronicling the present day events of our people.]

There is only personal history, and consequently only personal politics. Even revolutions are no exception, for the "sovereignty of the people" only expresses the fact that the ruling power has assumed the title of people's leader instead of that of king. The method of governing is scarcely altered thereby, and the position of the governed not at all. And even world-peace, in every case where it has existed, has been nothing but the slavery of an entire humanity under the regime imposed by a few strong natures determined to rule.

Politically gifted peoples do not exist. Those which are supposed to be so are simply peoples that are firmly in the hands of a ruling minority and in consequence feel themselves to be in good form.

The ruling class has developed its aims and methods quite independently of the "people," and it works with and within an unwritten constitution of which the refinements - which have arisen from practice and are wholly innocent of theory - are to the uninitiated as opaque as they are unintelligible.

[In the case of the Chereidi Ravs, not only are their aims not those of the people, their aims in fact have damaged the people, creating poverty and dependence upon government and charity which their ancestors would have been entirely ashamed to see.]

Political talent in a people is nothing but confidence in its leading. But that confidence has to be acquired - it will ripen only in its own good time, and success will stabilize it and make it into a tradition. What appears as a lack of feeling of certainty in the ruled is really lack of leadership-talent in the ruling classes, which generates that sort of uninstinctive and meddlesome criticism which by its very existence shows that a people has got "out of condition."

[In our case, that criticism comes from blogs like this one, and commentaries all over the internet. These things could never get published in Chereidi publications or even spoken about due to the corruption and lack of freedom of speech in Chereidi communities. But the fact that they can silence the dissent and dissatisfaction with their inept rule does not make it go away. Instead it eats away at people's faith in God like an acid - after all, these power-mongers claim to speak for God and represent God and makes rules in God's name, so if their actions have caused the community harm (and they have, on several fronts - poverty and molestation only being the most notorious), then by extension it is God whose leadership has failed, obviously.)

The fact-man is immune from the risk of practicing sentimental or program politics. He does not believe in the big words. Pilate's question is constantly on his lips - truths? The born statesman stands behind the true and false. He does not confuse the logic of events with the logic of systems. He has convictions, certainly, that are dear to him, but he has them as a private person. No real politician ever felt himself tied to them when in action.

[And this is so very true of Chereidi leaders both in politics and in business - their "Torah" principles go completely by the wayside when it comes to actual daily practice. They exploit, cheat, lie, steal, commit fraud and engage in unethical and immoral practices - all, they claim, with a veneer of Torah (after all, they're just am-ha'aretz or goyim, right?) but everyone can see the falsity of their rationalizations.]

It is life, not the individual, that is conscienceless.

[Spengler is right in the broad sense, here, but there are too many conscienceless Chereidi leaders today for us to accept this premise entirely - leaders who justify the exploitation of even their own people, much less goyim.]

There are times, like our own present, in which there are two most deadly kinds of idealism, the reactionary and the democratic. The one believes in the reversibility of history, the other in a teleology of history. But it makes no difference to the inevitable failure with which both burden a nation over whose destiny they have power, whether it is to a memory or to a concept that they sacrifice it.

[Banning every modern technology will not bring back their ideal of how a community should interact with the outside world, nor will it make our communities conform to their revisionist history. It will only put us at a greater and greater disadvantage due to our ignorance and inability to deal with the real world as it is - disadvantages which damage our health, our finances, our children's upbringing and our ability to meet our religious obligations. A people that is ignorant of how the financial system works, of medical and nutritional knowledge, of scientific facts, of geo-political and historical facts, and of other legitimate options for doing things is a people that is too ignorant to successfully govern themselves or solve the community's problems. Only educated people can do that, and the Ravs have made sure that neither we nor our children are adequately educated to be safe, healthy, and successful in the modern world.]

The sum of honour and duty, discipline, resolution, is a thing not learned from books but awakened in the stream of being by a living exemplar. The genuine statesman is distinguished from the "mere politician" - the player who plays for the pleasure of the game, the arriviste on the heights of history, the seeker after wealth and rank - as also from the schoolmaster of an ideal, by the fact that he dares to demand sacrifices - and obtains them, because his feeling that he is necessary to the time and the nation is shared by thousands, transforms them to the core, and renders them capable of deeds to which otherwise they could never have risen.

[Obviously, we have no such leader. Nor are we willing to make sacrifices for the good of the community nor the good of the next generation - and the false "sacrifices" that we are asked to make are sacrifices in the name of greedy leaders, in the name of keeping up with the "Goldsteins" because they say we must, in the name of "perserving" a culture that is not authentic, and in the name of stringencies and innovations that they have imposed on us NOT "min har Sinai" but only for their own power-mongering and control. Our people splinters further and further into smaller and smaller little fiefdoms due to the unwillingness and inability of the Ravs to acknowledge that they have to sacrifice their control and give up micro-managing our people because they are leading us into a ditch, not to a legitimate relationship with God. God gave us a wide-ranging halacha with numerous leniencies and less stringent paths precisely because one-size does NOT fit all, but the Ravs think they can make it fit - and will ruin us all in the process.]

There is one kind of commanding that makes obedience a proud, free and noble habit. It requires training men to be men and not bureau-personnel - it requires governing not through edicts but through reconciling the demands of the leadership with the limit of human [and financial] capabilities.

[Instead] The first problem is to make oneself somebody, the second, less obvious but harder and greater in its ultimate effects, to create a tradition, to bring on others to that one's work may be continued with one's own pulse and spirit, to release a current of like activity that does not need the original leader to maintain it in form.

[Hence the mythology of the Gedolim, which the current leaders apply to themselves shamelessly.]

Great individuals often destroy more than they have built up - the creation of a tradition means the elimination of the incident. A tradition breeds a high average, which the future can reckon. A strong tradition attracts talents from all quarters, and out of small gifts produces great results.

[Well, an authentic tradition would. But the revisionist history of the Ravs is not authentic tradition - is the power-grubbing of little minds who have no intention of suffering any competition from "talents" in the community whose view is more realistic and more in the spirit of true halacha than their stringencies by which they hope to make a name for themselves.]

If this creation of a tradition does not come off, then instead of a homogeneous ruling stratum we have a congeries of heads that are helpless when confronted by the unforeseen.

[Unfortunately, this is what we ended up with instead of a true tradition.]

If [the creation of a true tradition] does [come off], we have a Sovereign People in the one sense of the phrase that is worthy of a people and possible in the world of fact - a highly trained, self-replenishing minority which sure and slowly ripened traditions.

[Instead, we have a bunch of ignorant and uneducated dolts who are making up rules out of the think blue air and enforcing them on people regardless of the real-world consequences, instead of "slowly ripened traditions" we have innovations and stringencies that our grandparents never heard of being forced on us to intentionally DIVIDE our community and PREVENT Jews from uniting as a sovereign people by intentionally EXCLUDING and DELEGITIMIZING anyone and everyone who will not submit to the innovations. Hasatan couldn't have planned it better himself.]

Great politics, so to put it, takes the place of the "great politician."

[But our Ravs want to be "great" themselves, so true great common leadership cannot ever take place.]

What then is politics? It is the art of the possible. The basic form and direction of its being, the stages and temp and direction thereof, are not in any individual's power. [However,] a gardener must correctly identify the possibilities of his particular patch of soil and plant accordingly, or the garden never comes to fulfillment. The same is true of the immense plant we call a "Culture" and the being streams of human families that are bound up in its form-world. The great statesman is the gardener of a people. The worshippers of political [or religious] ideals create out of nothing. Their intellectual [learning] is astounding, but their castles are only of the mind, built of airy concepts like wisdom and righteousness...which are in the end all the same, they are built from the top storey downwards.

[As opposed to from the ground up, where they should have been built. Spengler added "liberty and equality" to wisdom and righteousness, but the Ravs believe in neither of these.]

The master of fact, for his part, is content to direct imperceptibly that which he sees and accepts as plain reality. This does not seem very much, yet it is the very starting-point of freedom, in a grand sense of the world. The knack lies in the little things, the last careful touch of the helm, the fine sensing of the most delicate oscillations of collective and individual souls.

[And I, along with other bloggers, are the masters of fact - trying, apparently in vain, to tell people the truth and the real facts on the ground about our economic situation, our ethical and moral responsibilities toward those who have been molested and abused and exploited (both in and out of our immediate communities), about how important it is to preserve the rights of all Jews, regardless of sect, and about the inauthentic and ultimately destructive nature of the innovations and stringencies and little fiefdoms of those who impose them.]

The secret of all victory lies in the organization of the non-obvious. But the domain of the possible has dangerous edges. Every situation has its elastic limit, and in the estimation of that limit not the smallest error is permissible.

[But the Ravs have built our economic future on grievous errors - failing to understand that living wages and sufficient overall community income to support those who do not work must be maintained in order for Chereidi people to have schools and charities which function normally. By eliminating the income base of huge swaths of the community, the Ravs have GUARANTEED the destruction of our school system and charitible system from overwhelming inability to meet their financial obligations. Those are facts on the ground, and all the bitachon in the universe won't change those realities. God's laws were made for a working people, not an idle people - for a people who grew crops and for a people used their arts, crafts and skills to manufacture things we need for our homes and schools and for local community businesses, and for a people that engaged in ethical, moral, and compassionate living wage business practice - not a people who thinks honest labour is beneath them, who things they're above learning arts and crafts and skills and trades, and who thinks exploiting people for a quick buck is the path to prosperity. God will not prosper such a wrong-headed community - as the increasing poverty and dependence plainly shows.]

Further, the necessary must be done opportunely, namely while it is a present wherewith the governing power can buy confidence in itself.

[The time for preparing our communities for peak oil, climate change, relocalization and self-sufficiency is fast passing - it may have already passed, given the continual decline of the economic climate. But the Ravs let is pass, and continue to let it pass, because they are too ignorant and uneducated to understand when to seize the moment and position the community for present and future realities. In other words, they blew it, and confidence in them and God will only continue to decline as the poverty and misery of our people increases and their choices become fewer and fewer and their opportunities less and less.]

We find [in history] again and again a fatal moment when it is too late for the necessary reform to be given as a free gift - then that which should be refused with the sternest energy is given as a sacrifice, and so becomes the sign of dissolution. But those who fail to detect the first necessity in good time will all the more certainly fail to understand the second situation. The timing may settle the future of whole peoples, whether they shall be Destiny for others, or themselves the objects of another's Destiny. But the declining democracy also repeats the same error of trying to hold what was the ideal of yesterday. This is the danger of our 20th century.

But to be politically "in form" means necessarily, amongst other things, an unconditional command of the most modern means. The danger of an aristocracy is that of being conservative in its means, the danger of a democracy is the confusion of formula and form. The means of the present are, and will be for many years, parliamentary - elections and the press. He may think what he pleases about them, he may respect or despise the, but he must command them.

[Not "command" as in despotic control of them - that NEVER works. Spengler is using "command" in the sense of being able to masterfully use these situations - something the Ravs have been woefully unable to do. Instead they try to despotically control what people see and do and read and how they vote - which, again, NEVER works in the long run. Ideas and information cannot be contained, they always get out. But instead of masterfully answering the criticisms of the blogs and other publications, the Ravs instead make themselves only look more ignorant and out-of-touch with reality by pretending all other points of view are not legitimate. But the question still remains, if Chereidi Judaism is supposed to the highest pinnacle of life, why is it so empty, poverty-stricken, dysfunctional? Why are people living in fear of their neighbors and leaders? Why are there no real solutions to the community's problems if Chereidi Judaism as it is now being taught actually works and is God's will? Why is there so much hypocrisy amoung the leaders if it's so great? Why is it money that makes the Chereidi world go 'round - people with money get their problems "solved," whereas people without, don't? People aren't stupid - they can see with their own eyes how evil and ugly it all is - that's why so many walk away, because their questions and criticisms are not answered. Instead, they are vilified for asking even the obvious.]

And as for the modern press, the sentimentalist may beam with contentment when it is constitutionally "free," - but the realist merely asks at whose disposal it is.

[And seeing the social terrorism inflicted on any who question or criticize, the answer is clearly not acceptable to any intellectually honest person.]

Politico-social theory is only one of the bases of party politics, but it is a necessary one. Radicalism, like everything else, is orthodox-religious in constitution - they hold a large place, and they were driving forces in all the crises of the 9th century. Literary form is not essential to them - they are just as effectively disseminated by word of mouth, by sermon and propaganda in sects and associations, which indeed is the standard method at the close of the puritan movements [of which Chereidi Judaism is obviously one].

Whether these doctrines are "true" or "false" is - we must reiterate and emphasize - a question without meaning for political history. The refutation of, say, Marxism belongs to the realm of academic dissertation and public debates, in which everyone is always rights and his opponent is always wrong. But whether they are effective - from when, and for how long, the believe that actuality can be ameliorated by a system of concepts is a real force that politics must reckon with - that does matter. We of today find ourselves in a period of boundless confidence in the omnipotence of reason. Great general ideas of freedom, justice, humanity, progress, are sacrosanct. The great theories are gospels. Their power to convince does not rest upon logical premises, for the masses of a party possess neither the critical energy nor the detachment seriously to test them, but upon the sacramental hypostasis in their key-words. At the same time, the spell is limited to the populations of the great cities and the period of Rationalism as the "educated man's religion." On a peasantry it has no hold, and even on the city masses its effect lasts only for a certain time. But for that time it has all the irresistibleness of a new revelation. They are converted to it, hang fervently upon the worlds and the preachers thereof - their gaze is set upon a political and social other-world, and dry sober criticism seems base, impious, worthy of death.

[But that doesn't make the critics wrong.]

But for this very reason documents like the Contrat Social and the Communist Manifesto [and our Mesora] are engines of highest power in the hands of forceful men who have come to the top in party life and know how to form and to use the convictions of the dominated masses.

[Which doesn't make them "right," it just makes them in power over the uneducated.]

The power that these abstract ideals possess, however, scarcely extends in time beyond the two centuries that belong to party politics, and their end comes not from refutation but from boredom. Men finally give up, not this or that theory, but the belief in theory of any kind and with it the sentimental optimism of an 18th century that imagined that unsatisfactory actualities could be improved by the application of concepts. Theories had become a threadbare school-exercise, and thenceforward power and power alone mattered.

[Which is why the Ravs use social terrorism and actual physical violence now to keep people in line. They have lost any other means of doing so.]

For us, too - let there be no mistake about it - the age of theory is drawing to its end. The great systems of Liberalism and Socialism all arose between about 1750 and 1850. That of Marx is already half a century old [in the late 1800s to early 1900s], and it has had no successor. Inwardly it means, with its materialist view of history, that Nationalism has reached its extreme logical conclusion. it is therefore an end-term. Belief in program was the mark and the glory of our grandfathers - in our grandsons it will be a proof of provincialism. In its place is developing even now the seed of a new resigned piety, sprung from tortured conscience and spiritual hunger, whose task will be to found a new Hither-side (Diesseits) that looks for secrets instead of steel-bright concepts and in the end will find them in the deeps of the "Second Religiousness."

[Secular culture is, of course, well into the development of the post-science mentality, and the "second religiousness" of the Ba'al Teshuvah movement is also coming to an end, as those who wish to be close to God find themselves farther away after dealing with the Chereidi.]

In the beginning of a democracy the field belongs to intellect alone. But, meantime, that other democratic quality lost no time in making its appearance and reminding men of the fact that one can make use of constitutional rights only when one has money. As soon as such leadership does appear, the vote ceases to possess anything more than the significance of an opinion recorded by the multitude on the individual organizations, over whose structures it possesses in the end not the slightest positive influence.

[This applies to the bet din as much as to any other governing authority. Those with money get favorable rulings, those without find themselves with no means of obtaining justice - and those outside the process have no say whatsoever about the heinous and unethical rulings coming from the chief Ravs - such as invalidating marriages, conversions, children's status and right to return long after the fact, in clear violation of the Mesora. They are remaking Judaism in their own image and excluding everyone of any other sect, and those being excluded have no voice. Their imperialistic war against other sects of Judaism has no basis in halacha or history, but, them that hath the gold make the rules - and the Chereidi have maneuvered themselves into positions of power, money and control for just this purpose.]

For us in this age of ours, the mass is "in form" as an electorate in exactly the same sense as it used to be "in form" as a collectivity of obedience - namely, as an object for a subject. The multitude continues to be unconditionally the passive object.

As everywhere, the elections, from being nominations of class-representatives, have become the battle-ground of party candidates, an arena ready for the intervention of money. The greater became the wealth which was capable of concentration in the hands of individuals, the more the fight for political power developed into a question of money. It is unnecessary to say more. And yet, in a deeper sense, it would be wrong to speak of corruption. It is not a matter of degeneracy, it is the democratic ethos itself that is foredoomed of necessity to take such forms when it reaches maturity. Every politician was the debtor of his entire entourage. On the soil of democracy constitutional rights signify nothing without money and everything with it.

[And, as we see, the same is true of the rights of Jews to be Jews and to be called Jews and to participate in Judaism.]

The "contemporary" English-American politics have created through the press a force-field of world-wide intellectual and financial tensions in which every individual unconsciously takes up the place allotted to him. Man does not speak to man, the press and its associate, the electrical news-service, keep the waking consciousness of whole peoples and continents under a deafening drum-fire of theses, catchwords, standpoints, scenes, feelings, day by day and year by year, so that every Ego becomes a mere function of a monstrous intellectual Something. Money does not pass, politically, from one hand to the other. It does not turn itself into cards and wine. It is turned into force, and its quantity determines the intensity of it working influence.

Gunpowder and printing belong together as the two grand means of Faustian distance-tactics. The Reformation in the beginning of the Late period witnesses the first flysheets and the first field-guns, the French Revolution in the beginning of the Civilization witnesses the first tempest of pamphlets in the autumn of 1788 and the first mass-fire of artillery at Valmy. But with this the printed word, produced in vast quantity and distributed over enourmous areas, became an uncanny weapon in the hands of him who knew how to use it.

Today we live so cowed under the bombardment of this intellectual artillery that hardly anyone can attain to the inward detachment that is required for a clear view of the monstrous drama. The will-to-power operating under a pure democratic disguise has accomplished its task so well that the object's sense of freedom is actually flattered by the most thorough-going enslavement that has ever existed.

[!]

What is truth? For the multitude, that which it continually hears and reads. A forlorn little drop may settle somewhere and collect grounds on which to determine "the truth" - but what it obtains is just its truth. The other, the public truth of the moment, which alone matters for effects and successes in the fact-world, is today a product of the Press. What the Press wills, is true.

[And, of course, the Ravs control the press in our communities with an iron fist - which is why you have to be reading this banned internet to see any other point of view.]

Its commanders evoke, transform, interchange truths.

[Let's not forget "rewrite" and "revise" historical truths.]

Three weeks of press-work, and the [new] "truth" is acknowledged by everybody. With the political press is bound up in the need of universal school education, which in the Classical world was completely lacking. In this demand there is an element of desiring to shepherd the masses, as the object of party politics, into the newspaper's power-area. The idealist of the early democracy regarded popular education, without arriere pensee, as enlightenment pure and simple, and even today one finds here and there heads that become enthusiastic on the Freedom of the Press - but it is precisely this that smooths the path for the coming Caesars of the world-press. Those who have learned to read succumb to their power, and the visionary self-determination of Late democracy becomes a thorough-going determination of the people by the powers whom the printed word obeys.

[I don't need to tell you that Chereidi education is carefully tailored to exclude any knowledge which the Ravs consider harmful to their control structure or their own leadership or their own moneyed-elite positions and nepotisism - not to mention excluding anyone, however educated or qualified, who questions their inept and disastrous leadership so far.]

Unleash the people as reader-mass and it will storm through streets and hurl itself upon the target indicated, terrifying and breaking windows; a hint to the press-staff and it will become quiet and go home.

[Other times they attack little girls or fire-bomb businesses, beat up old men and slash people's tires for daring to adopt a less stringent halacha.]

The reader neither knows, nor is allowed to know, the purposes for which he is used, nor even the role that he is to play. A more appalling caricature of freedom of thought cannot be imagined. Formerly,a man did not dare to think freely. Now he dares, but cannot - his will to think is only a willingness to think to order, and this is what he feels as his liberty.

The dictature of party leaders supports itself upon that of the Press. The competitors strive by means of money to detach readers - nay, peoples - en masse from the hostile allegiance and to bring them under their own mind-training. And all that they learn in this mind-training is what it is considered that they should know - a higher will puts together the picture of their world for them.

This is the end of Democracy. If in the world of truths it is proof that decides all, in that of facts it is success. In the Late Democracy, race bursts forth and either makes ideals its slave or throws them scornfully into the pit.

[And racial purity has lately become an idee fixe for the Ravs, to say the least.]

But in no other Civilization has the will-to-power manifested itself so inexorable a form as in this of ours. The thought, and consequently the action, of the mass are kept under iron pressure - for which reason, and for which reason only, men are permitted to be readers and voters - that is, in a dual slavery - while the parties become the obedient retinues of a few, and the shadow of coming Caesarism already touches them.

Through money, democracy becomes its own destroyer, after money has destroyed intellect. Because men have learned that in the realm of reality one power-will can be overthrown only by another. There wakes at last a deep yearning for all old and worthy tradition that still lingers alive. Men are tired to disgust of money-economy. They hope for salvation from somewhere or other, for some true ideal of honour and chivalry, of inward nobility, of unselfishness and duty. And now dawns the time when the form-filled powers of the blood which the rationalism of the Megalopolis has suppressed, reawaken in the depths. Everything in the order of dynastic tradition and old nobility that has saved itself up for the future, everything that there is of high money-disdaining ethic, everything that is intrinsically sound enough to be the servant - the hard working, self-sacrificing, caring servant of the State, all this becomes suddenly the focus of immense life-forces. Caesarism grows on the soil of Democracy, but its roots thread deeply into the underground of blood tradition.

The mighty ones of the future may possess the earth as their private property - for the great political form of the Culture is irremediably in ruin - but it matters not, for, formless and limitless as their power may be, it has a task. And this task is the unwearying care for this world as it is, which is the very opposite of the interest of the money-power age, and demands high honour and conscientiousness. But for this very reason there now sets in the final battle between Democracy and Caesarism, between the leading forces of dictatorial money-economics and the purely political will-to-order of the Caesars.

[If you heard Obama's speech, you heard a lot of ideas similar to these. It's true that the financial and structural issues of our communities can only be solved by everyone admitting we have a "tragedy of the commons" issue and adjusting their behavior accordingly. But we don't need a Caesar to do it - our real Tradition has long help principles that we can use for this current situation that does NOT involve tyrannical leaders of any kind, either Ravs or politicians. It is a very fine line we walk - and both in Wider Western Culture and in our own Culture, the temptation to toss our own responsibilities off onto some Caesar will be nearly overwhelming. But we don't need anyone to make us do the right things - we can choose to do them ourselves. We can change our priorities and trust our neighbors to do the same - but will we? No, that's not the way this scenario has played out over the various Cultures throughout recorded human history. We will have (indeed, in Chereidi communities we already have) embraced Facism, to our own destruction.]

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